institutional framework ~ or rather a family of frameworks — for realizing the democratic ideal of giving kmms t0 the demos, power to the people. The distinction between a participatory and a representative system is not one between democracy proper and some faint approximation but a distinction between rival proposals for the implementation of democracy. My focus in this chapter is on representation in this democratic, popularly enabling scnsc. Thus the target of the chapter is narrower than it might have been. As Hcbbcs in particular argues, the idea 0f representation may bc used, not just of representatives who are subject t0 the continuing 0r periodic control 0f the people, but also 0f a hereditary, absolute: monarch. The defenders of parliament in the 1640s tried to give its members a monop01y right on the use 0f thc word (Skinner 2005), but Hobbes argued against them that it was absurd that a monarch who "had the sovcreignty" 0vcr his subjects "from a descent 0f 600 ycars’ should not be "considcrcd as their rcprcsc-:mtativc" (Hobbes 1994: 19.3). His Qwn view, to thc contrary, was that "thc King himself did. . . ever represent the person of the people of Eng12md" (Hobbes 1990: 120). But though my focus is narrower than I-I0bbcs’s, it is broader than the targét t0 which many contcmporary thcorists give their attention. As will appear, I use the notion 0f representation in such a way that any public authorities, and any citizens wh0 assume a legitimate r01e in public...